L 'Inglor "July 25" by Romano Prodi and NEED THE' FROM TIME TO REALLY WORK IN ITALY
"Dagli e dagli" o "Tanto tuonò che piovve", si potrebbe commentare. Fatto sta che il deleterio governo Prodi, già nato su una maggioranza che definire "risicata" suona un complimento, e poi più volte a rischio di cappottata specie sui più spinosi temi di politica estera, causa certe sue componenti radicali chiaramente non ancora mature per gestire razionalmente le più delicate situazioni politico-militari che il complicato scenario internazionale odierno impone, dopo quasi due anni di "potere" è caduto.
Si tratta di quello che era praticamente scontato che, prima o poi, avvenisse, ma è significativo che questa crisi non sia arrivata, alla fine, dalle summenzionate frange più estreme della coalizione Government, but just from "moderate" by definition of the fabric of Mastella, Dini and Fisichella, that those forces in respect of which the less you can talk about excessive "heterogeneity" with respect to the dominant component of the former center-left majority (now PD) clamooso to explain the act of breaking, of those elements, so to speak, never had that fear of a danger to the tightness of the government when it had been, for example, to support military missions abroad and in all past situations of high risk of falling for the executive Prodi.
This apparent "anomaly" nell'accaduto can perhaps easily explained by the fact that characters such as the promoters of this crisis lie in the kind of border area between the two sides of our political system imperfectly bipolar, which is after all the easier the transition easy from one part of that porous border, depending on the desirability of the moment (or, indeed, the gentlemen in question are similar to new experiences, having previously played for all center-right), whereas, in areas such as the left channel blocker, could hardly be hatched to rule out the possibility of a coalition like the one just gone to pieces, so that is understandable to think about them not ten but a hundred times, beyond bark of ritual, before performing irreparabili mosse autodistruttive. E' comunque un dato di fatto che il 24 gennaio di Prodi assume sinistramente i connotati di un 25 luglio '43 di mussoliniana memoria, con il Capo del Governo che vuole a tutti i costi andare incontro al giudizio del suo "Gran Consiglio", ben sapendo che questo gli sarà fatale, e si fa sfiduciare proprio dagli accoliti dai quali meno ci si poteva aspettare la pugnalata mortale; se poi si aggiungono i brindisi e le plateali manifestazioni di giubilo per la caduta del "tiranno", quali non se ne ricordavano da chissà quando, il quadro delle analogie è ancora più completo.
Premesso che, a cose fatte, la gioia per la caduta di uno dei peggiori governi della storia della Repubblica - il governo delle tasse, delle figuracce con l'estero, dell'emergenza sicurezza ecc. - non può dirsi che pienamente condivisibile, si deve tuttavia anche ammettere che a tale soddisfazione si acompagna una punta di amarezza per il modo in cui questa "liberazione" è stata conseguita e, soprattutto, per il patetico spettacolo dei tentativi di riattaccare con lo sputo i cocci di un giocattolo ormai irrimediabilmente rotto - o, peggio, di dar vita a qualcosa d'altro di assolutamente estraneo a qualsiasi volontà mai espressa dagli elettori - cui l'attribuzione al Presidente del Senato Marini del cosiddetto incarico "finalizzato" ci farà presumibilmente assistere nei prossimi giorni.
Pur fautori della più tenace opposizione all'esecutivo appena caduto, we can not fail to note that, going for a moment the particular case to the general, if governments continue to fall before their expiry date, and with the usual methods by July 25, it's because, deep down, there is still a sick background worse than the fact itself that for five years, to govern the nation are not "our" here it is a defeat for those of any membership plitica, absolutely believe the primary obettivo to build a system based on the true finally alternation in power of governments that, by stability and ability to last an entire term, as happens in virtually all developed democracies of the West, have a way of completing the their programs and give an image of credibility of the country even on the interactional.
Returning to the raw actuality, we do not want to go into the decision of the President to act as it did: that he is, and always will be, allowed up to any radical changes a lot of the Constitution. There may, however, exempt from observing that the attempt to reassemble the old Marine majority - or create new ones, that would be very disrespectful of the will of the voters, to reform the electoral law - to guess it does not seem to have real opportunities for success and it seems to make sense only to lose valuable time, whereas the conditions for a safe majority center-right after new elections, probably, there are also not considered the most excellent electoral law currently in force. The word back then to the polls as soon as possible, after which there will certainly be a way to reform this and other laws and auguriamocelo strongly, to make ever greater progress towards the building of healthy democracy, which is currently being run we all want and that, at the moment, unfortunately, still does not appear close.
So we can really store all of our July 25 story in a dark period does not revive.
Tommaso Pellegrino
Thursday, January 31, 2008
Thursday, January 17, 2008
Why Do I Keep Getting Thrush
BUT WHAT IS 'RIDICULOUS THAT CERTAIN ANTICLERICAL ...
L'intolleranza e l'antidemocraticità dimostrate da quel pugno di sedicenti dotti professoroni e dal loro degno discepolame nell'impedire a papa Benedetto XVI di intervenire alla solenne cerimonia presso la loro università, che, malgrado l'accaduto, ci si ostina ancora a chiamare "la Sapienza" (???), sono per lo meno pari allo sconcertante patetismo e all'anacronismo di quel certo modo di essere anticlericali e di intendere la laicità sfoderati in questa ben poco edificante vicenda.
Oggi l'anticlericalismo come logica conseguenza del libertarismo, dela genuina aspirazione ad una vita civile regolata da leggi ed istituzioni svincolate dai dettami e dalle autorità proprie di una data religione, can certainly be said that it no longer has reason to be at least more than half a century in this part and this part of the world. A
liberalaccio to the bone as this writer can not of course does not include, for example, the reasons for anti-clericalism of the Risorgimento, understood as a rejection of the temporal power of the clergy at that time hampered the process of democratization and national unity, but it was here a feeling of hostility to the very different mission in the spiritual and moral authority of a Church, which is close to its jurisdiction, unlike the temporal functions. Just one example of one of the largest of these same "anti-clerical" hardcore of the time, a Giuseppe Mazzini (sorry if it is little), stated that the atheists try to great pain, a sign that his was not averse to the message released by the clergy in his capacity as "institutional" but the abuses perpetrated in the same area "land".
Today there is no longer a real political power in the hands of Church leaders, nor their ability to ingest heavily in the life of democracies through the work of long arm-strong disciplined parties subject to their directives.
accuse the Church to interfere in national political life, derogatory or define the Pope "the head of a foreign state", are now at least ridiculous attitudes: the Pontefce has not the slightest intention of driving in any How does the work of our legislators, nor have the means to do so, so much so that this has always gone forward regardless of any desire or his dissent. As for a threat to take the form as "head of a foreign state", it lacks those divisions which Stalin asked how many there were, and if they had any, would use the not: a man of peace, the pope, so peace to lend too often, unintentionally, to be used even by the usual elements pseudopacifisti and landing several, in fact light years away from its real world of values, and perhaps ready to give him some more as soon as his speech does not come back just as comfortable with their almost never crystalline order. Since the Church
can not in any way constitute a danger to freedom, secularism and the democratic institutions, one can not require it to relinquish its authentic and unique mission to continuously urge respect for the values \u200b\u200bof which he is custodian, and that it does with all means at his disposal. Put them in qualsasi occasion, the gag is, as well as an intolerable affront to freedom of expression which must be accorded to anyone, a step towards forms of religious intolerance typical of well-known illiberal systems, which are the exact opposite of the true secular society .
Tommaso Pellegrino
L'intolleranza e l'antidemocraticità dimostrate da quel pugno di sedicenti dotti professoroni e dal loro degno discepolame nell'impedire a papa Benedetto XVI di intervenire alla solenne cerimonia presso la loro università, che, malgrado l'accaduto, ci si ostina ancora a chiamare "la Sapienza" (???), sono per lo meno pari allo sconcertante patetismo e all'anacronismo di quel certo modo di essere anticlericali e di intendere la laicità sfoderati in questa ben poco edificante vicenda.
Oggi l'anticlericalismo come logica conseguenza del libertarismo, dela genuina aspirazione ad una vita civile regolata da leggi ed istituzioni svincolate dai dettami e dalle autorità proprie di una data religione, can certainly be said that it no longer has reason to be at least more than half a century in this part and this part of the world. A
liberalaccio to the bone as this writer can not of course does not include, for example, the reasons for anti-clericalism of the Risorgimento, understood as a rejection of the temporal power of the clergy at that time hampered the process of democratization and national unity, but it was here a feeling of hostility to the very different mission in the spiritual and moral authority of a Church, which is close to its jurisdiction, unlike the temporal functions. Just one example of one of the largest of these same "anti-clerical" hardcore of the time, a Giuseppe Mazzini (sorry if it is little), stated that the atheists try to great pain, a sign that his was not averse to the message released by the clergy in his capacity as "institutional" but the abuses perpetrated in the same area "land".
Today there is no longer a real political power in the hands of Church leaders, nor their ability to ingest heavily in the life of democracies through the work of long arm-strong disciplined parties subject to their directives.
accuse the Church to interfere in national political life, derogatory or define the Pope "the head of a foreign state", are now at least ridiculous attitudes: the Pontefce has not the slightest intention of driving in any How does the work of our legislators, nor have the means to do so, so much so that this has always gone forward regardless of any desire or his dissent. As for a threat to take the form as "head of a foreign state", it lacks those divisions which Stalin asked how many there were, and if they had any, would use the not: a man of peace, the pope, so peace to lend too often, unintentionally, to be used even by the usual elements pseudopacifisti and landing several, in fact light years away from its real world of values, and perhaps ready to give him some more as soon as his speech does not come back just as comfortable with their almost never crystalline order. Since the Church
can not in any way constitute a danger to freedom, secularism and the democratic institutions, one can not require it to relinquish its authentic and unique mission to continuously urge respect for the values \u200b\u200bof which he is custodian, and that it does with all means at his disposal. Put them in qualsasi occasion, the gag is, as well as an intolerable affront to freedom of expression which must be accorded to anyone, a step towards forms of religious intolerance typical of well-known illiberal systems, which are the exact opposite of the true secular society .
Tommaso Pellegrino
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