We are a strange people, perhaps unique: a solemn festival and even the most symbolic dates that are important milestones and drama of life's journey, which lasted over a century, to the achievements of national unity, the total freedom from foreign domination and fuller democracy succeed in all united in a feeling (which is likely to stand, for once, above the petty political divisions) to celebrate momentous events that changed the destiny of every Italian alike, and composed of gratitude to those who, in those circumstances, you are inevitably sacrificed in person (because they are almost always made from blood).
No: each of these occurrences should become timely opportunity to exploit, for their own ends, by this or that political party, o di reciproche accuse, tra le fazioni, di farne delle feste di parte o di volersene appropriare in maniera esclusiva. Ne sono tipici esempi il 20 settembre, quando, nell'ultimo anniversario della conquista militare della nostra capitale, qualcuno sembra aver dato adito a sospetti di nutrire forse eccessive simpatie per i caduti di parte papalina; o il 25 aprile, che da sempre divide grottescamente gli italiani tra chi lo considera quasi esclusivamente una festa propria e chi invece non lo ritiene neppure una festa.
Ultimo "pomo della discordia" in ordine di tempo è il 4 novembre, anniversario (quest'anno il 90°) della Vittoria italiana sull'Austria-Ungheria nel primo conflitto mondiale, che fra poco si festeggerà con insolita pompa (Parades, military bands, concert of Andrea Bocelli, etc..) And at which Defense Minister La Russa decided to unleash all of Italy for military officers with the task of lecturing on the First World War in schools, thus breaking accused by the press and for the most famous exponents of the left, of orchestrating "the most impressive military manifetazione propaganda republican Italy has ever put together," indeed: the risk to reveal the military instrument of a Party " the service of political propaganda. "
In fact, the experience of Italian participation in World War I, although the highest expression of strenuous patriotic struggle for the liberation a large part of the country from a tyrannical foreign domination, has more than one card in order to be invisible to the left today: first, this is a war classic, symmetrical, fought between nations (for pù monarchies) sending unfortunately be slaughtered in front of crowds of conscripts enrolled in regular armies, and not - unlike, for example, the resistance of an epic war-started by an impulse of rebellion from below, even better if served by proletarian revolutionary aspirations of those wars, in short, that, while bloody and with bits of cruelty often unknown to the other, to our left-handed, always "peace", let's not forget, in the only sense that interests they are never at all sorry. Secondly, to be opposed to the conflict in '15-18 were mainly just left the "official" period, while in favor of adventure, or at least the most visible and vociferous among them, were instead the very funny guys of various ideological and social affiliation that a few years later, they found a common home reviled in fascism, and those intellectuals who Papini to stir up controversy with the writings of the kind of "We love war."
Other elements were then brought in support of their views in the debate emerged in recent days on the subject, from those authoritative figures partcolarmente perplexed whether November 4 to celebrate in the way he decided, this year, the government dall'inettitudine and insensitivity shown by commanders as Cadorna in sending to slaughter a generation to repeated, unnecessary and disastrous attack on the Isonzo, the horror of decimation, the declaration of war on Austria, which was a deplorable act of "aggression," not dictated by the requirements of defense and, most importantly, perpetrated against the will of Parliament.
all of this collection of negative comments, something is irrefutable, as the stupidity and disregard for human life of its strategy cadorniana or decimation of the fact that there actually were, although under these points of view, the Italians, is no exception, in view of all the armies then engaged in the 'useless massacre. " On other hand it is only right counter allegations. E'ben true, for example, that between Italy and Austria, the one who declared war first, the other was Italy, but it is also true that when it happened, was already a war going on in Western democracies, more Russia, against the Central Powers, triggered by the attack just moved from Austria to Serbia for nearly a year ago, following the bombing of Sarajevo. Under the same logic, we should then be considered acts of aggression even our recent armed intervention in Iraq (1991) and Serbia, in quanto Saddam Hussein e Milosevic non attaccarono certo per primi l'Italia, ma, rispettivamente, il Kuwait e il Kosovo, provocando reazioni internazionali cui si ritenne doveroso partecipare.
L'intervento nel conflitto europeo poteva apparire, anche ad esponenti di equilibrio e moralità indubitabili, come un'occasione irripetibile per chiudere definitivamente la partita con il grande nemico storico (malgrado l'alleanza senza amore che durava ormai da trent'anni con esso) e completare così il processo risorgimentale; una linea forse ritenibile più efficace di quella, suggerita da Giolitti, di barattare concessioni territoriali con il mantenimento della nostra neutralità.
Ad aderire all'interventismo non furono infatti only future fascists, nationalists and intellectuals exalted in the grip of "shameful war", as defined by Angelo D'Orsi, the Papini (whose literary performances of that time, however, should not be judged by the criteria of today), but also as a true democratic and Bissolati Salvemini, future victims of fascism as Giovanni Amendola, Carlo Rosselli and Antonio Gramsci, and even the same Ungaretti that the very radical left-wing newspaper "Liberation" invites you to read, as an antidote to the alleged climate of glorification of war, rather than celebrate on November 4.
As for entering the war vote by Parliament, finally, there was this formally, although the majority of parliamentarians charge was originally opposed, and their change in orientation was not a little forced by the virulence of the protests and the intervention pro inevitability of climate that occurred as a large international trial.
Without these clarifications, it is carved in clear terms, purpose of the events linked to this celebratory 90th anniversary of Victory of 1918 is not to promote a militaristic propaganda that enhances the appeal and deny the tragedies of war, negligence and even crimes that characterized many aspects of conducting what became known as the Great War.
should instead that all Italians, and especially the younger generation, should realize colossal event able to mix for the first time the Italians of the diverse regional and social backgrounds in a heroic effort - especially in the last phase of the war, with a considerable slice of territory invaded by the enemy, and then with the emergence of new forces motivational and mitigation of the divergence of views on the conflict between countrymen - made them feel truly a nation and led to a release by the stranger very comparable to what would later in 1945. This awareness must be
heritage of us all, and the memories of these events moved to enrtrambi so decisive in our history can not be limited to a single party and become factors of division than of unity.
God save us from having a party on April 25 of the left and a right-wing party on November 4.
Tommaso Pellegrino
